The following article was published in a Boston newspaper in the year 1779. It is a significan't historical document concerning Baptist participation in shaping both state and federal constitutions being formed at that time. It is a Baptist response, composed by Elder Isaac Backus, concerning article three of the proposed bill of rights for the constitution of Massachusetts. This effort by the Massachusetts Baptists, along with similar efforts in Virginia, demonstrates the involvement our Baptist forefathers had in helping to secure religious liberty in America. We should all be aware, and especially our children, that the great blessing of Liberty of Conscience, that this nation has enjoyed for over two hundred years was in a great part a result of our Baptist forefathers dedication and beliefs. In reading this article you will notice some well known historic names mentioned by Elder Backus. The Baptist Churches in Massachusetts, with assistance from the Philadelphia Association of Baptists, gave Elder Backus authority to act as their agent to obtain influence in their favor concerning the question of civil control of religious matters. They obtained a conference with some of the delegates to the continental congress to wit: John Adams, Samuel Adams, Robert Trent Paine, and Thomas Cushing in addition to eight or ten more of that body that he did not name; plus a number of other gentlemen. Those he named were delegates to the continental congress and signers of the declaration of Independence with the exception of Thomas Cushing. Keep in mind that this article was written before our Bill of Rights and this effort on the part of the Baptists was influential in the forming of those rights which was introduced in the first United States Congress in 1789. Elder Backus also mentioned President Hancock, referring to John Hancock who was the President of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts (1773). He was also a signer of the Declaration of Independence as well as a delegate to the Continental Congress (1774). In his article, Elder Backus, challenges John Adams and Robert Paine to provide proof of the accusations they had made against Backus, in which Backus believed they were doing so to help pass the article three and thus give the civil authorities power over the Baptists as well as other religious societies. He gives notice that he is ready to defend himself before any proper judges to rebut their claims. He goes on to admonish them and provides us with a glimpse of the Christian fortitude our Baptists forefathers exhibited in working to keep civil authorities out of the Kingdom of Christ. We now can look back and see the providential hand of almighty God in their effort and rejoice as we meditate over His gracious blessings to this sweet land of liberty. "Now the Lord is that Spirit: and where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." (II Corinthians 3:17) -- Editor Elder Claude Mckee

The following article, composed by Elder Isaac Backus, was published in the Boston Independent Chronicle, December 2, 1779. It can be found in Volume III--Appendix 25 of the Isaac Backus diary, published by Brown University Press 1979.

The Article

Mr. Willis,

As the liberty of the press is acknowledged to be essential to freedom, and as the following remarks appear to me of great importance at this time, I request and expect that you will give them a place in your useful paper.

All men allow that the rights of conscience are the greatest of any rights in the world. They are as much above the enjoyment of temporal property, as the soul is above the body; as much greater as eternity exceeds time. And as our Convention at Cambridge passed an act last Wednesday to establish an article in our bill of rights, which evidently infringes upon the rights of conscience, and as one means by which it was procured, was the casting of injurious accusations and reflections upon me, and upon a large community [ of Baptist] that I am called to act for, it appears to be my duty to vindicate both our rights and our character in the best manner I can: And I see no better way to do it, than by inserting the copy I have received of said article, and then briefly shewing what I have against it, and against the manner of obtaining it. The article is as follows, viz.

[Proposed article three]

"As the happiness of a people, and the good order and preservation of civil government, essentially depend upon piety, religion, and morality, and as these cannot be generally diffused through a community but by the institution of the public worship of God, and of public instruction in piety, religion, and morality; therefore, to promote the happiness, and to secure the good order and preservation of the government, the people of this Common-wealth have a right to invest their Legislature with power to authorize and require the several towns, parishes, precincts, and other bodies politic, or religious societies, to make suitable provision, at their expense, for the institution of the public worship of God, and for the support and maintenance of public protestant teachers of piety, religion, and morality, in all cases where such provision shall not be made voluntarily. And the people of the Common-wealth have also a right to , and do invest their Legislature with, authority to enjoin upon all the subjects an attendance upon the instructions of the public teachers aforesaid, at stated times and seasons, if there be any on whose instructions they can conveniently and conscientiously attend. Provided, notwithstanding, that the several towns, parishes, precincts, or other bodies politic, and religious societies, shall at all times have the exclusive right of electing their public teachers, and of contracting with them for their support and maintenance. And all monies paid by the subjects to the support of public worship, and of the public teachers aforesaid, shall, if he require it, be uniformly applied to the support of the public teacher or teachers of his own religious sect, or denomination, provided there be any on whose instructions he attends; otherwise it may be paid to the teacher or teachers of the parish or precinct where the money is raised. And Christians of all denominations, demeaning themselves peaceably, and as good subjects of the Common-wealth, shall be equally under the protection of the law, and no sub-ordination of any one sect or denomination to another shall ever be established by law."

The first and last part of this article I fully concur with, but cannot do so with the middle part, which I think is perfectly inconsistent therewith. For,

It gives a Legislative and Executive Power to man, in the affairs of divine worship, which is evidently contrary both to scripture and reason. As God is the only worthy object of worship, so his revealed will is the only rule to direct us therein, and it can be supported only by his authority and influence. He says, when ye came to appear before me, who hath required this at your hand to tread my courts? But in vain they do worship me, teaching for doctrine the commandments of men. Isaiah 1:12. Matthew 15:9. Both scripture and reason teach us, that the civil magistrates power is limited to the affairs that lie between man and man, and not betwixt man and God. His sword is to punish none but such as work ill to their neighbor. Roman 13:3-10. The support of religious ministers is as plainly an ordinance of God as any one in the bible; and the enforcing of it with the sword is as plainly condemned therein, as any iniquity that ever was practiced. Micah, 3:5. Jeremiah 5:30-31.

Wherever a Legislative and Executive Power in religious affairs has been assumed in any State, its effects have always been contrary to piety and morality. I understand that the advocates for the above article, evaded all the arguments which were brought, from the perfect and spiritual nature of Christs kingdom, with pretences that the article had no concern with that kingdom, but only with the good of the civil state; which is a glaring proof of what I have now asserted; for the article gives rulers the power of compelling people to attend and support the public worship of God; yes, and to support protestant teachers of piety and religion; and if this is to be done without kingdom of Christ, where are we got to? Many have been justly afraid of popery, and it seems that they had a design here to guard against it. But to worship God, and to teach piety, religion, and morality, without Jesus Christ, is the depth of pagan darkness! The greatest benefits of religion to human society, are its influence to make men speak the truth, and fulfill their engagements and obligations, and to deter them from the contrary practice; because God hates deceit and injustice, and those who practice them can neither escape his notice nor his vengeance. Those who first established congregationalism in this government, did it by assuming a power to dispense with their oaths, and to impose new ones; and a chief actor therein declared, that their way was established by God's law, and that men had better be hypocrites than not submit to it. And a multitude of facts prove, that like evils have been produced by the exercise of that power among us, from that day to this. There has undoubtedly been a great deal of true religion among that denomination as well as other, which has prevented the carrying of deceit and injustice to so great a length as has been done in many other places; though one instance thereof was very alarming, a little before this war which was as follows:

 

One of the conditions that Ashfield lands were granted upon, was the settling of an orthodox minister; but five years after they had settled one, whom the Court called so, they empowered the majority of the proprietors of those lands to impose what taxes they judged proper for his support, and to sell the lands of all such as refused to pay the same. And such lieing and deceit was used in Court and out of it, that no possible means could be found to save the estates of the Baptist minister and his church of that town, but by an appeal to the King in Council; by whom that wicked law was disannulled. Therefore, when our churches saw that the Congress was like to have the highest place of civil power over us, they sent me, as their Agent, to Philadelphia, with direction to follow the best advice I could obtain, for the procuring of some influence from thence in our favour. And that advice led to the requesting and obtaining of a conference with the Honorable Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, and Robert Treat Paine, Esqrs. Delegates to Congress, before eight or ten more of that honorable body, and a number of other gentlemen: before whom we laid a brief memorial of our principal grievances, which was closed with a declaration of what the liberty was that we desired and claimed as our undoubted right; namely, that "of worshipping God according to our consciences, and not to be obliged to support a minister we cannot attend, whilst we demean ourselves as faithful subjects." The above-named delegates spent several hours in trying to prove that we had enjoyed such liberty and that our complaint proceeded from obstinacy, enthusiasm and coveteousness. But we produced such plain facts to the contrary, as they could not confuse; and the conference was closed with a promise that they would improve their influence toward procuring redress of our grievances. And they requested a copy of our memorial and of our printed appeal to the public. A large committee, which the Baptist Philadelphia association had chosed to assist us, met next day, viz. October 15, 1774; and after mature deliberation, passed a resolve, "That this committee, not being satisfied with the decleration made last evening by the delegates from Massachusetts Bay, are determined to persue every prudent measure to obtain a full and compleat redress of grievances for our bretheren in New-England." A copy which, and of our memorial, and our printed appeal, they sent to those Gentlemen. And as in the conference I said, "Only grant us in the country, the liberty they have long enjoyed in Boston, and we ask no more." Those delegates then said, "They would endeavour all in their power, to obtain a redress of grievances; and as the situation of the Baptists in Boston was satisfactory, they would endeavour to diffuse the same spirit to the remotest part of the Colony." These things I have from under the hands of the President and Secretary of said committee, who were two justices of the Peace in Philadelphia. Yet before I got home a report was spread (said to have come from Mr. Paine, who had returned to Newport by water) that I had been to Philadelphia upon a design inimical to the peace and welfare of the Colonies. Therefore I soon met our committee at Boston, and, by their advice, laid a plain state of facts before our Provincial Congress at Cambridge. And on December 9, 1774, they passed a resolve, which fully acquitted us of that accusation, and encouraged us to expect a full redress of our grievances; A copy whereof, signed by President Hancock, and attested by General Lincoln, their Secretary, is now before me, who said in the letter which inclosed it, I hope the time will soon come when all our grievance shall be removed."

Yet after all this I am informed, by several members of the Convention who sat at Cambridge last week, that to obtain the above described power over us, Mr. John Adams and Mr. Paine, brought up the before named accusations against us; and that Mr. Paine said he had reason to think that some things mentioned as facts in our memorial never existed. This is therefore to give notice that I am ready to meet them before any proper judges, when called, to answer for every word therein, and to suffer deserved punishment if I am convicted of advancing any one accusation against my country, or against any person therein, that I cannot support. Yea, or if I have ever discovered the least degree of an inimical disposition towards my country in any part of this contest with Great Britain.

I am willing to make all the allowance in this case, for forgetfulness and other human infirmities, that reason or religion call for; but if those gentlemen should persist in their accusations against us, without fairly supporting them, or in acting contrary to their promise at Philadelphia, the public will judge how far they will deserve regard for the future. If any suppose that the above article establishes equal religious liberty, let them only change places with us, and empower another denomination to tax them all to religious ministers, and compel them to pay it contrary to their consciences, and then tell them, if they will require the money thus unjustly gathered, they may have it for their own teachers; if not, those who have got it will apply it to support their own party. Now, those who refuse a compliance, with this plain rule of equity, must answer to Him, who says, with what judgment ye judge, ye shall be judged; and with that measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again.

Isaac Backus,

(Agent for the Baptist churches in this State) Middleborough, November 16, 1779.